A very ecstatic crowed cheered as Ethiopian forces withdrew from their post in Beletwein this weekend. Thousands in Somalia took to the streets last month to protest U.S. attacks and express frustration at the chaos that ensued Washington's proxy-war in Somalia. It's evident that the presence of Ethiopian forces in Somalia and the existence of U.S. support for this invasion are not well received by Somalis. The U.S. has launched four widely under-publicized air strikes in the country and is responsible for providing monetary and logistical support to Ethiopia's invasion of Somalia. A new insurgency has emerged from the catalytic effects of CIA funded "Alliance for Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism in Mogadishu" (ARPCT) and Washington's counter-terrorism campaign in Somalia. Apparently not satisfied with the precarious and seemingly endless quagmire in Iraq and Afghanistan, Washington is determined sink our Ethiopian allies in the same position in Somalia.
The U.S. faltered in Somalia, engaging in a disastrous conflict by appealing to atavistic "war on terror" rhetoric and policies. Somalis are now being held in detention centers in Ethiopia and Kenya without access to lawyers or family contact. Those detained include at least 15 children, and despite Ethiopia's disturbing history of human rights violations with regards to those in detention, U.S. agents are aware of the existence of such centers and remain involved in the interrogation processes.
The situation in Somalia is grim: Millions face famine, 600,000 have fled the country, and over one million have been internally displaced. Despite the June 9, 2008 UN-backed ceasefire agreement, intense fighting has erupted in Kismayu, north Mogadishu and elsewhere in Somalia. After a very tumultuous week of conflict, flooding near Mogadishu continues to affect thousands of internally displaced persons.
It's difficult to imagine that this is the same Somalia, which under the emerging authority of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) in 2006 was operating less like a failed state. Civil society improved drastically and crime reached its nadir since the civil war. With fewer check points and less corruption at posts, the business community was vibrant for the first time in decades. The UIC is a network of courts with members representing a wide-range of religiosity and political enthusiasm—from devotes Muslims to political radicals. Recognizing that an aggressively narrow view of religion would not fare well with Somalis, the UIC worked to eradicate such extremist tendencies and minimized the influence of radical opportunists. To secure roads, ports and markets, the business community began funding the UIC. The network launched an effective weapons confiscation campaign, ultimately making the country safer and giving families relief. The courts also reopened the airport and seaport, strengthening the country’s ability to compete economically. The role of the Federal Transitional Government (TFG) is virtually non-existent during the period leading up to the intervention and the subsequent period. The UIC's popularity and influence grew after ARPCT, Washington's failed counter-terrorism effort. The alliance essentially worked with warlords to oust "Islamists;" it’s not easy winning "hearts and minds" when collaborating with individuals responsible for killing scores of innocent people.
Fearing that Somalia would become a safe haven for terrorists and in pursuit of some al-Qaeda members suspected of hiding in Somalia, Washington began targeting the group. The courts were largely cooperative with Washington, writing dozens letters maintaining their intention comply with U.S. requests in tracking any al-Qaeda operatives in Somalia. The letters also conveyed that the group had no contact with such individuals or information on the location of the alleged terrorist cells. To date, there has yet to be a single Somali active in the administrative levels of al-Qaeda, and the air strikes in the south failed to produce any wanted persons. The man targeted and killed in the most recent attack, Aden Hashi Ayro, was not guilty of conspiring with al-Qaeda or planning an terror plots. He served as a military commander with the Shabaab, mainly in an anti-invasion capacity to oust Ethiopian forces—an effort that makes him similar to the many Somalis who reject the invasion. The U.S. used an aerial bombardment to kill Ayro, targeting such people is a misuse of military resources. Such loose pretexts hardly warrant a right to execute, and certainly do not allow the "sacrificing" of dozens.
As a direct result of the military campaigns by Ethiopia and the United States, Mogadishu has returned to its post-bellum status. The old anarchy has returned with symptoms of a new insurgency. Since the inception of counter-terrorism efforts by Washington, Somalia has experienced its first suicide bombing in addition to an overall escalation in what some identify as insurgency attacks; including the use of car and roadside bombs. The shelling of civilian areas inflames locals and contributes to the resistance TFG and Ethiopian forces confront. Failure to pursue targets from a more surgical approach has radicalized the most extreme element of the UIC, known as the Shabaab who were previously curbed by the majority moderate members of the UIC. Individuals who were previously supportive of the TFG and indifferent to external factors present in the country are becoming increasingly mobilized, even using violence as an instrument to liberate their people.
It's unclear whether the UIC was the "answer" to the Somalia question, but the extent to which Somalis maintain a right to self-determination without the intervention of foreign actors is undeniable. Instead of mediating a prospective conflict between the TFG and the UIC, Washington pursued a military intervention and instructed the TFG to steer away from any diplomatic attempts or negotiations. The U.S. government also failed to encourage Ethiopia to withdraw from Somalia, essentially sanctioning an indefinite Ethiopian presence in Somalia. Not only has Washington failed to serve in a diplomatic capacity, but the indiscriminate bombardment on communities and casualty-ridden tactics are counterproductive. Indeed, there is no greater boost for resistance and terrorism than such aggregated assaults.