one which is little discussed in Democratic circles and absolutely hush-hush among 'Pubs. There's more at stake than just control of the Senate or the fate of a president's legacy or the set-up to the next president's.
On the line as well is the credibility of an idea, a funding model which has become the basis of the right wing's strategy. While not entirely make-or-break, the coming midterms will go a long way to determine whether that model will endure.
In the 2012, cycle, much was made of the hundreds of millions of dollars spent by Koch-affiliated groups like Americans for Progress and Karl Rove's American Crossroads PAC. More astounding still was the billion-with-a-B raised by the Kochs and Rove in dark money. Hard numbers are impossible to obtain, with the labyrinthine network of 501c3s, 4s and 6s used to anonymize donations, and the people that pony up that dough like that just fine.
The networks, led by the Kochs' Donors Trust and Rove's Crossroads GPS, with convenient money washaterias like the innocuous-sounding "Center to Protect Patient Rights," allowed the 1% of the 1% to pour enough dough into the 2012 elections to buy a crushing victory.
For which they received diddly squat. No Senate majority, reduced House majority and another four years of Kenyan anti-colonialist Marxism. The bill-footers were less than pleased.
"The billionaire donors I hear are livid," one Republican operative told The Huffington Post. "There is some holy hell to pay. Karl Rove has a lot of explaining to do ... I don't know how you tell your donors that we spent $390 million and got nothing."
Brothers Charles and David fielded similar calls. And both meta-bundlers offered the same responses: lousy candidates, unfortunate sound bites. Just wait 'til next season!
Their donors have, on the whole, given the benefit of that doubt, lining up to give the post-Citizens United model another chance, though not indubiously.
These midterms, with all the traditional structural advantages held by out-of-power party, could well be the opportunity for Koch, Koch and Karl to prove their scheme works. Conversely, if the Democratic base surprises the pundit class and mobilizes an unexpectedly strong Get Out The Vote effort, once again thwarting the billionaires' hopes, the Kochtopus model might be scrapped, and our rightful lords and masters forced to find another path to dominance.
While November seems squinty-distant, this is the time when efforts like registration drives and ID-assist programs are needed if we're to have any hope of holding the Senate, taking a bite of the House and delivering a painful kick to the balls of the conservative cephalopod.
What better reason could we ask?