Especially in a non-election year, the powers of a DNC Chair are limited. Fundraising and budgets are greatly diminished compared to the bloated numbers every four years. Even the invites to the cable blabbermouth shows diminish. Opposition to Trump will be centered in Congress and, perhaps, the streets. Yet, on purely internal matters the DNC Chair has some power and influence along with state party leaders and officials. In short, there are only a very, very few issues over which the DNC Chair has any real influence, party reform is one of them.
Our nominating process (ditto for Republicans) is an anti-democratic mess and it undermines our ability to fight voter supression in general elections. Every four years the process starts right after the mid-term elections with months and months of campaigning in Iowa, some campaigning in New Hampshire, an occasional flyover of South Carolina and more than anything, careful construction of mostly high donor fundraising networks. Unless you are a registered Democrat in Iowa, a party leader or preacher in South Carolina or anyone in New Hampshire or a campaign donor, you don’t matter.
After two long winters Caucus night finally arrives in Iowa and every four years the pictures are the same. In urban areas, the Caucuses are scenes of mass confusion, mathmatical manipulation, long lines and a profoundly unequal system which overvalues rural support in sparsely populated counties. There come the coin flips (or a card draw in Nevada) which determine the winner wherever there is a tie or whenever local officials just throw thier hands up and decide to end the evening. It is only months later, at second and third tier caucuses, when actual delegates are actually chosen and the final results only sometimes bear any resembelence to the choice of the (at best, 20% of those eligible) people who actually show up to vote in the first place.
The confusion continues during the primaries. In almost every state the rules differ. Some ban party registration, in others parties are the basis of the system. In some places ballot access is easy, in others (notably New York) it is a costly months long effort with different requirements based on each congressional district. Because voting takes place over months some states become vital contests while in most the results are ignored.
Then we have superdelegates — basically the 250+ members of the DNC and senior elected officials. Superdelegates are virtually always a lagging indicator who favor the original pre-Iowa favorite. Superdelegates rarely matter in the ultimate outcome but produce rivers of ink and digital outrage about conspiricy scenarios, deals in smoke-filled rooms and imagined outcomes.
My solution? One person, one vote, period. No more caucuses. If states can’t pay for a vote of the people (via a “firehouse primary” or using general election proceedures) then they really can’t afford to send delegates to the Convention. States will find a way — democracy is not expensive but it isn’t free. No more closed primaries. If someone is qualified to vote in November, we Democrats need to appeal to them and allow them an equal voice in our process. It undermines our moral authority to fight voter supression to impose party or any other requirements on voters. No more superdelegates. This should be a no-brainer. Since they were imposed in 1984, superdelegates have functioned only to create (mostly hypothetical) party divisions and fantasy scenarios about brokered conventions. Sure, find a way to make sure the DNC folks can attend the big party every four years but they don’t need to be voting delegates.
When it comes to party reform, the DNC Chair really matters. Where do the candidates stand?
BTW — creation of a commission of smart people to examine the process is not an answer. We have a commission to examine these issues almost every 4 to 8 years. They delay change but rarely facilitate progress.